The Trump Scorecard: How Often Members of Congress Vote With the Trump Administration

Historically, members of Congress like to tout their independence, both to demonstrate their own agency and to fulfill their constitutional obligation as a branch of the federal government checking the power of the executive branch. But this year, congressional Republicans have fallen in line more so than previous majorities, voting in lockstep with President Donald Trump.

This analysis finds that Republicans in Congress have shown remarkable unanimity in following President Trump’s priorities. It tracks every 2025 vote in the House and Senate where the White House issued a statement of administration policy (SAP), which formally communicates the administration’s views on legislation scheduled for a floor vote, as well as all Senate votes to confirm executive branch and judicial nominations.

As of September 2, 2025, 46 of 53 Republican senators (87 percent) have voted in total compliance with the Trump White House; and all 53 voted with the administration at least 93 percent of the time. Meanwhile, every member of the Senate Democratic caucus has voted with the White House at least once, though none have voted with the White House more than 29 percent of the time. In the House, 196 of 220 Republican representatives (89 percent) have voted in lockstep with the White House’s priorities, providing “yes” votes for each of the bills the administration signified as a priority. In addition, 218 Republicans (99 percent) have voted with the White House at least 95 percent of the time, whereas 15 of 214 House Democrats have never voted with the White House.

While it is not unusual for the president’s party to vote in alignment with White House priorities, the current Congress is particularly obedient. Senate Republicans, on average, have voted with Trump 99.56 percent of the time. In contrast, during Trump’s first term, Senate Republicans’ average “Trump score,” as calculated by FiveThirtyEight, was 87.25 percent. Meanwhile, House Republicans this year have, on average, voted with Trump’s position 99.5 percent of the time, compared with 90.43 percent during his first term. This crystallization of alignment with Trump’s policies has come as his policies have grown more extreme and radical.

The 119th Congress has never failed to pass a bill on which the White House has taken a position, and the Senate has never voted down a Trump administration nominee, even as many have espoused radical views out of step with the American people or been dangerously unqualified.

House of Representatives

House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA), who has voted with Trump 100 percent of the time since becoming speaker, literally handed the president the gavel used to announce the passage of Trump’s catchall legislative priority: the Big, “Beautiful Bill. The Republican representatives who have voted against the White House’s priorities provided no votes on bills such as the GENIUS Act, Congressional Review Act (CRA) rule rollbacks, and a smattering of budget bills. Reps. Thomas Massie (R-KY) and Brian Fitzpatrick (R-PA) voted against the White House’s favored position most often, at 84.2 percent and 75.6 percent, respectively.

Six of the eight Republican House members in seats rated as “toss-ups” according to the Cook Political Report—Reps. David Schweikert (R-AZ), Juan Ciscomani (R-AZ), Gabe Evans (R-CO), Mariannette Miller-Meeks (R-IA), Tom Barrett (R-MI), and Derrick Van Orden (R-WI)—voted with Trump 100 percent of the time, while the other two, Reps. Ryan Mackenzie (R-PA) and Scott Perry (R-PA), voted with him at least 95 percent of the time. Fourteen of 18 House Republicans in districts rated as either “toss-ups” or “lean Republican” voted with Trump 100 percent of the time, while the other four members in that group voted with the White House at least 95 percent of the time.

Sixteen of the 24 Republican House members who did not vote with the White House 100 percent of the time differed on just one vote:

• For Reps. Michael Cloud (R-TX), Morgan Griffith (R-VA), Austin Scott (R-GA), Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-GA), Russ Fulcher (R-ID), Eli Crane (R-AZ), Andy Biggs (R-AZ), and Andy Harris (R-MD), that vote was the GENIUS Act, which rolls back a Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) rule governing tech companies offering consumer payment tools. Reps. Scott Perry (R-PA), Warren Davidson (R-OH), Chip Roy (R-TX), and Eric Burlison (R-MO) also voted “no” on this bill.
• For Reps. Kevin Kiley (R-CA), Jay Obernolte (R-CA), and David Valadao (R-CA), that vote was the Save SBA from Sanctuary Cities Act, a law that requires the Small Business Administration to leave Atlanta, Boston, Chicago, Denver, New York City, and Seattle. Rep. Nicole Malliotakis (R-NY) also voted “no” on this bill.
• Rep. Don Bacon (R-NE) voted against the Gulf of America Act, which tries to rename the Gulf of Mexico.
• Rep. Tom McClintock (R-CA) opposed the Protecting Our Nation’s Capital Emergency Act, which interferes with the District of Columbia’s internal affairs. Reps. Eric Burlison (R-MO), Scott Perry (R-PA), and Chip Roy (R-TX) also voted “no” on this bill.
• Rep. Ryan Mackenzie (R-PA) voted against a CFPB overdraft-lending rule CRA.
• Rep. Mark Amodei (R-NV) and Michael Turner (R-OH) voted against the Rescissions Act, as did Reps. Nicole Malliotakis (R-NY) and Brian Fitzpatrick (R-PA).
• Rep. Victoria Spartz (R-IN) voted against a motion to concur with the Senate on an April budget vote, as did Rep. Thomas Massie (R-KY)
• Rep. Mike Turner (R-OH) opposed the No Rogue Rulings Act.
• Rep. Davidson voted “no” on the original House version of the One Big Beautiful Bill Act (OBBBA).

Rep. Thomas Massie (R-KY), frequently cited as a congressional thorn in Trump’s side, nevertheless sided with the White House 32 out of 38 times, differing on votes such as Mike Johnson’s speakership, the HALT Fentanyl Act, the March continuing resolution (CR) vote, and two votes on the OBBBA. Similarly, Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-PA) voted with the White House 75.6 percent of the time, with most of his 10 contrary votes coming against CRA regulatory rollbacks of seven environmental rules, plus the Rescissions Act and the OBBBA.

Senate

The 165 votes in the Senate scorecard include both legislation for which the Trump administration issued an SAP as well as all executive branch and judicial nominations, which, by definition, are a White House priority.

Three of five Republican senators in seats with 2026 election contests rated as “toss-ups,” “lean Republican,” or “likely Republican” have voted with Trump 100 percent of the time: Sens. John Cornyn (R-TX), Jon Husted (R-OH), and Joni Ernst (R-IA), who recently announced she would not be running for reelection in 2026.

Just seven Senate Republicans voted even one time contrary to the White House:

• Sens. Thom Tillis (R-NC) and Mitch McConnell (R-KY), both retiring in 2026, still voted with Trump 98 percent and 96 percent of the time, respectively. Tillis voted “no” on the OBBBA, which passed, and voted against the confirmation of Joe Kent as director of the National Counterterrorism Center. McConnell’s five “no” votes all came on executive branch nominees: Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard, Labor Secretary Lori Chavez-DeRemer, and Undersecretary of Defense for Policy Elbridge Colby.
• Sen. Josh Hawley (R-MO) voted with Trump 98 percent of the time, opposing the GENIUS Act and two CFPB regulatory rollback votes relating to overdraft lending and digital consumer payments. All measures passed without his support.
• Sen. Ted Budd (R-NC) voted with the White House every time except for one vote against Trump’s nominee to lead the U.S. Department of Labor, Lori Chavez-DeRemer, who was nevertheless confirmed.
• Sen. Rand Paul (R-KY) voted with Trump the least—148 out of 158 votes—but still more than 93 percent of the time. His 10 “no” votes included the OBBBA, the March CR budget, the April budget framework, and the GENIUS Act. He also opposed the confirmations of Secretary Chavez-DeRemer, U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer, Deputy Secretary of Transportation Steven Bradbury, Assistant Attorney General for the Antitrust Division Abigail Slater, and Deputy Secretary of Commerce Paul Dabbar.
• Sens. Lisa Murkowski (R-AK) and Susan Collins (R-ME) voted with Trump 94 percent and 95 percent of the time, respectively. Collins’ seven votes and Murkowski’s nine votes that differed from the White House were largely the more controversial nominees—Defense Secretary Hegseth, FBI Director Kash Patel, and Judge Emil Bove for the 3rd Circuit—who were nevertheless confirmed, along with some larger budget bills that passed anyway. Murkowski voted against the confirmations of Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rights Harmeet Dhillon, Ambassador to France Charles Kushner, Ambassador to the European Union Andrew Puzder, and Office of Personnel Management Director Scott Kupor. Murkowski, notably, supported the OBBBA, while Collins did not. Collins also voted against the April budget framework and the Rescissions Act.
• Sens. Paul, Collins, and Murkowski all voted with Democrats in May for a resolution to terminate the national emergency that Trump declared in order to impose his global tariffs. The resolution failed.

Only two Senate Democrats voted with the White House more than 25 percent of the time: Sen. Jeanne Shaheen (D-NH), at 28.3 percent, and Sen. John Fetterman (D-PA), at 26.6 percent. The other Democratic senators who voted with the White House more than 20 percent of the time are Sens. Maggie Hassan (D-NH), Ruben Gallego (D-AZ), Angus King (I-ME), Jacky Rosen (D-NV), Mark Warner (D-VA), Elissa Slotkin (D-MI), and Mark Kelly (D-AZ). Most of these votes were on judicial and executive branch nominations.

Conclusion

Rubber-stamp Republican congressional majorities have allowed the White House to do what it wants, abrogating the legislative branch’s responsibility to check executive overreach. Congress has done nothing to slow down the executive orders and actions flowing from this administration, even as they withhold a staggering amount of funding for health care and education, among other programs, and pursue policies, such as repealing birthright citizenship, that are blatantly unconstitutional.

President Trump has usurped Congress’ authority, unilaterally dictating which programs to fund, which congressionally established agencies to shutter, and which independent agency members to fire. Congress has failed to check these overreaches into balance through votes. This scorecard shows the ways in which the “People’s House” and “World’s Greatest Deliberative Body” have turned into rubber stamps for an executive branch that gets what it wants, with no pushback, no matter how unpopular that agenda is with the American people.

Methodology

This analysis examined all House- and Senate-floor roll-call votes taken in the 119th Congress through August 11, 2025, using data from the Voteview Congressional Roll-Call Votes Database. Percentages were calculated by identifying the number of final-passage roll-call votes taken where the Trump administration either issued an SAP, made a nomination, or clearly advocated for a position in a Truth Social post or press release. The authors then tallied each vote taken by individual members of Congress that aligned with the administration’s position. The analysis divided the latter by the former to determine the percentage of votes taken with the Trump administration. If a member was absent, did not vote, or voted as “present” for any of these votes, they were not included in the numerator or denominator.

To download the full list of votes that the authors used to determine the percentage of votes with President Trump, click here.